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First Letter: G

Globalisation

Brief

Globalisation refers to the process of increasing integration and interdependence among nations, characterised by the flow of goods, services, information, and capital across borders. Early forms of globalisation emerged during the 15th and 16th centuries, when European powers expanded their trade networks and established colonies. The term “globalisation” itself became popular in the late 20th century, with the end of the Cold War, the shift towards market-oriented economies, advancements in technology and transportation, and the rise of the internet. From the Soviet Union’s collapse until the 2008 financial crisis, the dominant Western narrative celebrated economic globalisation and free trade as pathways to peace and prosperity.[1] Since the late 1990s, however, critics have called into question the desirability of a neoliberal international economic order, raising concerns about economic security, national sovereignty, and social equity.

Amidst rising anti-globalisation sentiments in the West, China has emerged as one of its main defenders. In his speech in front of political and industrial leaders at the 2017 World Economic Forum in Davos, Xi Jinping mentioned “globalisation” 24 times to much acclaim.  But beneath this seemingly neutral term lies a less idealistic agenda: globalisation with Chinese characteristics is primarily about guarding against Western influence and making other countries more dependent on China.

Analysis

The PRC leadership’s attitude toward the global economy has always been characterised by a strong stance of self-sufficiency (自力更生) and economic independence. While recognising economic globalisation as an inevitable trend that presents historical opportunities for China, the leadership has from the outset cautioned about potential risks and losses if this process is not managed effectively. Nevertheless, China decided to “bravely take part in economic globalisation” while emphasising national security and self-reliance.

While China argues for the benefits of economic integration, it maintains major restrictions and strict controls over its own markets and information flows.  Since joining the World Trade Organisation in 2001, China has leveraged its developing country status to navigate integration into the global economy while benefiting from certain advantages available to developing economies, such as access to transitional measures for subsidies and the ability to protect specific sectors vulnerable to international competition. 

In the 1990s and early 2000s, when China primarily exported simple manufactured goods, deep trade ties raised few security concerns. However, as Chinese companies began to dominate cutting-edge technology and production of critical goods like rare earth metals, this interdependence with China began to be viewed with more scepticism.[2] Globalisation has been significantly driven by the trade of semiconductors and the electronic products they enable, resulting in an interdependent global supply chain for microchips. This dependency has created vulnerabilities that both China and the US are eager to leverage, turning semiconductor technology into a key arena in the ongoing great power rivalry, and creating a dynamic where for many leading companies, their primary customer is also their main competitor. [3] This dynamic also helps to explain why the CEO of the Swedish telecom business Ericsson went on a lobbying campaign on behalf of its main competitor Huawei, protesting the way Sweden barred Huawei equipment from the country’s 5G networks over national-security concerns after Beijing had threatened to retaliate against Ericsson’s business in China.

The current global trend of viewing economic interactions through a lens of national security reflects a shift in both how China and other nations perceive globalisation. Decoupling pressures are emanating from both the West and China as each becomes increasingly concerned about weaponised interdependence. In response to its increasing dependence on foreign semiconductors, China has implemented a “dual circulation” (国内国际双循环) strategy and plans such as “Made in China 2025”, which seek to reduce China’s vulnerability by increasing domestic consumption and through acquisition of foreign companies, technology transfer, substantial support for domestic chip firms, and significant investments in R&D. Indeed, China started “de-risking” long before the concept became a thing in Brussels.

Meanwhile, in the wake of the Trump administration’s retreat from the WTO and other multilateral institutions, Xi calls on other world leaders to resist U.S. unilateralism, protectionism and decoupling. In so doing, he positions China as a responsible major country and proponent of inclusive economic globalisation (包容性经济全球化) supporting less developed countries through low tariffs and investments. 


[1] A. Roberts and N. Lamp, Six Faces of Globalization: Who Wins, Who Loses, and Why It Matters, Harvard University Press, 2021.

[2] A. Roberts and N. Lamp p.211.

[3] C. Miller, Chip War: The Fight for the World’s Most Critical Technology, Simon & Schuster, 2022.

Gender Equality

Brief

Gender equality signifies equal rights and opportunities for individuals of all genders, ensuring that everyone has the same access to resources and decision-making processes. This principle is established in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which asserts that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) further clarifies that discrimination against women includes any distinctions or exclusions based on sex that hinder women’s recognition, enjoyment, or exercise of their human rights and fundamental freedoms, establishing equality with men in all areas.

Mao Zedong’s widely cited assertion that “women hold up half the sky” (妇女能顶半边天) has become a symbol of gender equality in China and is frequently referenced in discussions about women’s rights. Although the Communist revolution sought to dismantle patriarchal norms by highlighting women’s contributions in the workforce and nation-building, traditional gender roles have persisted over the history of the People’s Republic. Even today, women face a dual burden, shouldering full-time work while also expected to fulfil their duties at home, including bearing children and caring for husbands, elderly parents, and in-laws.

Analysis

The Communist Party sees itself as a successor to early 20th century progressive movements that had women’s rights as a key goal. One of the PRC’s first laws was the 1950 Marriage Law, which ended childhood marriages and arranged weddings. The first constitution of the People’s Republic of China, enacted in 1954, declared that “Women enjoy equal rights with men in political, economic, cultural, education, and social life”. The 1995 UN Women’s Conference in Beijing was a pivotal moment for women’s rights globally and catalysed the women’s movement in China. This event reinvigorated the focus on gender equality, fostering collaboration between Chinese women’s organisations and international allies, and prompted the government to enact policies to combat discrimination and violence against women.

Despite these advancements, gender inequality remains entrenched in China thanks to patriarchal structures in society and the Party itself. Reports indicate a widening pay gap, and disparities in parental leave and retirement ages (60 for men, 50-55 for women) reinforce traditional gender roles and impact women’s financial independence. Protection of rural women’s land rights remains weak. In the Party, no woman is a member of the top-level seven-man Standing Committee of the Politburo or the 24-member Politburo.

Due to China’s demographic challenges, including an aging population,the government is urging women to return to their traditional role and bear more children.  In his 2023 address to the All-China Women’s Federation, Xi called on the federation to “improve and implement policies supporting childbirth, improve the overall quality of the population, and actively respond to population aging”. The one-child policy has been abolished, but the CCP reserves the right to command women’s reproductive organs. 

Violence against women also remains rife. Although the revised Marriage Law introduced in 2001 acknowledged “domestic violence” ( 家庭暴力) as grounds for divorce, it does not cover marital rape, and cases often go unaddressed by law enforcement. Recent high-profile incidents of gender-based violence and human trafficking have highlighted these issues. The Party also limits discussion to “equality between men and women” (男女平等) instead of the more inclusive and diverse understanding of gender expressed in the term “gender equality” (性别平等), reflecting its renewed support for traditional male and female gender roles.

Women’s rights activists face intimidation and reprisals for their work. In 2015, prior to International Women’s Day, the “Feminist Five” were detained on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” (寻衅滋事) for planning a protest against sexual harassment. Nonetheless, Chinese feminists continue to find innovative ways to advocate for women’s rights.[1] On an international level, Chinese women’s NGOs have successfully carved out spaces for influencing dialogue on gender issues, despite governmental restrictions.  Women’s choices not to marry or have children can also be seen as a sign of their power to disobey the patriarchal state.


[1] L. Hong Fincher, Betraying Big Brother: The Feminist Awakening in China, London; New York: Verso, 2018.

Green

In Chinese Communist Party discourse, “green” (绿色) functions both as a reference to environmental policies and as a rhetorical device signaling political alignment with Party priorities. In the domestic political context, the qualifier can serve as a standard of political evaluation broadly signaling sustainability in policy-making–without, however, measurable criteria, such as the “concept of green governance” (绿色执政理念). In foreign policy, the qualifier can function to support claims. One example is that sustainability is a core value of Xi Jinping’s signature Belt and Road Initiative, which has supported projects with questionable environmental impacts. Another is the argument that Western tariffs on Chinese renewable energy products constitute “green protectionism” that undermines genuine environmental protection.

Good Governance

Brief

The term “good governance” (善治) was first mentioned in a high-level Party document from 2014. Today, it is firmly established in the political vernacular. In Party-state discourse, the focus is on the efficient provision of public services, combatting corruption and abuses of power within the CCP, and establishing law-based governance, i.e., codifying policies and measures in laws and regulations. The primary objectives are to increase prosperity and safeguard collective rights, most importantly public order and security, rather than the institutionalised political participation of independent non-governmental actors and citizens. Increased monitoring by digital means and laws and regulations that severely restrict individual liberties are regularly characterised as good governance.

This is markedly different from the broader definitions of good governance set out by the UN and the EU, which encompass factors such as efficiency, accountability, transparency, inclusiveness, the rule of law, civic participation and the protection of social minorities. The UN and EU frameworks explicitly envisage close cooperation with non-governmental actors and place a strong emphasis on the protection of human rights, including civil and political rights.

Analysis

Use of the term good governance in Chinese official discourse took off in the early 2000s, in step with global discussions around good governance. In the UN framework the term has expanded to include civil rights protection, public participation and the involvement of non-governmental actors in all public affairs, whereas party-affiliated academics and officials have criticised this “catch all” approach and argued for staying close to the concept’s original definition in administrative science. This means focusing on efficient governance, containing corruption and abuses of power and strengthening the legal and regulatory framework, rather than granting institutionalised rights to citizens and non-governmental stakeholders to have a say.

The main focus instead is on the material benefits and the sense of progress and individual gain (获得感) for individual citizens granted by the state. Especially in the context of COVID-19, the Chinese system of governance has been promoted as a viable and ultimately superior alternative in safeguarding and providing public goods such as safety and health, one not constrained by a focus on individual rights and interests. This focus on output legitimacy is also reflected in the terminology (良政善治). The most often used word shanzhi (善治) might be better translated as “benevolent” governance. The term is derived from traditional political philosophy and is framed by the political leadership as a continuation of Chinese schools of thought. The term lianzheng (廉政), often used synonymously or in conjunction with shanzhi, denotes incorrupt or “clean” governance.

This narrow interpretation is in line with the political-ideological discourse of the CCP that emphasises absolute Party leadership, which was further encoded in the Chinese Constitution in 2018. The primary goal is to ensure that the CCP fulfils its role in governing the country well. Public order, social stability – i.e., the absence of protests – and provision of economic growth are seen as key benchmarks of success. The strong emphasis on the higher common goods of public order and security means that even laws that heavily restrict civil liberties are seen as important pillars of good governance. For example, the introduction of the National Security Law for Hong Kong and of coercive re-education measures in Xinjiang were hailed as steps towards good governance, despite conflicts with international human rights norms.

The concept of good governance is also closely tied to new initiatives expanding the use of digital technologies. Xi Jinping has been promoting the new concept of monitoring-based “smart governance”, i.e., tight, digitally supported supervision and disciplinary governance of public institutions, companies and citizens alike. The drive to modernise governance emphasises technocratic, data-based control under centralised CCP leadership and supervision, rather than sharing watch-dog responsibilities with non-governmental actors or the media. This model is presented as more efficient and ultimately superior to the Western approach to governance, and its focus on the rule of law and the supervision of state power through the separation of powers and press freedom.

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